India stand point of Russia Ukraine war

 India stand point of Russia Ukraine war:

Past 70 year Russia India relation is very good. Russia help India every time.

Modi’s ‘balanced posturing’ and silent endorsement of Putin may damage New Delhi’s partnership with liberal democracies across the world.For a country that claims to be a vishwaguru or world teacher, India’s shortsighted stance on critical geopolitical events remains baffling.

This was evident in the UNSC vote on January 31 when India joined Kenya and Gabon in abstaining from a Security Council vote to discuss the Russian military threat to Ukraine. Ten nations supported the successful American initiative. Only China joined Russia in opposing it.Russia today welcomed India's "independent position" on the Ukraine crisis and said its views on the issue at the UN Security Council was reflective of the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.

Russian Deputy Chief of Mission Roman Babushkin said India has been playing a vital role as a responsible global power and it takes an "independent and balanced" approach to global affairs.

"We welcome the independent position of India which it took twice at the UN Security Council," he said at an online media briefing.

"The Indian activities at the UN Security Council are fully reflecting the merit of our special and privileged strategic partnership," he added.

Amid escalating tension between Moscow and the West after Russian President Vladimir Putin recognised two breakaway Ukrainian regions as independent states, India at an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council on Monday night called for "restraint on all sides".

It stressed that the immediate priority is "de-escalation of tensions" taking into account the legitimate security interests of all countries and aimed towards securing long term peace and stability in the region and beyond.

But Russian military action against Ukraine is a different event at a different point of time in world history. The world has never been this polarised since World War II. The global economic landscape, in a post-COVID-19 scenario, is in shambles, and with the rise of right-wing populism and authoritarianism across the globe, including India, moments such as this in history, warrant bold, corrective action – and more importantly, a principled, moral outlook.

India’s efforts to maintain a delicate balance between its partnerships with the US, Europe and Russia isn’t surely easy. But, as Tanvi Madan at Brookings (correctly) argues: “Delhi (in the Russia-Ukraine war) could try its posture, post the Russian annexation of Crimea, of neither openly criticising nor endorsing Russian actions. However, its silence will be seen as an endorsement. Moreover, even as Moscow might seek support from Delhi, it will sell India’s ‘silence’ as an endorsement, as it did in the case of Crimea, and recently when it unilaterally issued a joint statement on Afghanistan.”

The Western response to Russia’s unwarranted aggression in Ukraine has drawn critical sanctions which will inhibit any nation, including India, from doing business with Russia and will potentially diversify Russia-India ties. This could also come at a time when Washington is considering a waiver for India from the CAATSA sanctions.

The elephant in the room is China.

A deepening global crisis would allow Russia to further deepen its ties with China for political support, market access and technology. A US-led international order, dominated by anchors of financial imperialism through dollar-dependence, a petro-dollar market and via strategic military dominance, perceived in the late 20th century and during the breakdown of the Soviet Union, now, seems pretty much over.

China is likely to use this opportunity to slowly side with Russia or employ whatever ways it can to exhaust America’s foreign policy attention and capital away from China, moving the US further away from its strategic objectives in the Indo-Pacific region. It can even use this to deepen its ties with Europe, while presenting itself as a ‘useful interlocutor’ between the West and Moscow.

From the Indian perspective, a ‘silent endorsement’ to the Russians (as one can see now) is likely to catalyse a consolidatory push for Chinese interests in the South Asian region over time, risking the case for India – whose network to counter China in the Indo-Pacific is dependent on the US. Further, as Madan argues, “In order to focus on the Russia challenge, European capitals could (also) seek to stabilise ties with China, rather than act against its assertive actions. This, in turn, could negatively affect the coordinated approach that Delhi seeks among like-minded partners to balance China.